American Sociological Review

Urena, Anthony

doi: 10.1177/00031224221112902pmid: N/A

Objects of risk mitigation are typically viewed as neutral items that limit exposure to an established hazard. However, people may refuse to adopt such tools, even when they feel vulnerable. This article explores how people assess their personal risk and mitigation options by examining PrEP use for HIV prevention. Drawing on semi-structured in-depth interviews with 40 Black and Latino gay, bisexual, and queer men, I argue PrEP uptake is a socially contextualized decision influenced by relational concerns. I develop the concept of relational inoculation, wherein individuals enact a sense of protection against harm through relational work. As individuals consider PrEP, they also contemplate how it may bolster or undermine intimacy they value for reducing interpersonal HIV exposure, as well as dispelling stigmatized notions of riskiness held by their intersecting ethno-racial and sexual minority communities. I develop testable propositions about how respondents’ HIV risk assessments and PrEP use are enmeshed in a societal context of surveillance, in ongoing relations with intimate partners and socially significant others, and in navigation of community belonging within this milieu of risk. This article contributes to sociological research at the nexus of race, sexuality, and health, and offers health policy insight.

Zhou, Di

doi: 10.1177/00031224221123030pmid: N/A

Why do certain ideas catch on? What makes some ideas more powerful than others? Using a novel dataset that traces Chinese netizens’ discussion of U.S. politics on an online forum, this study examines key predictors of cultural power—novelty, emotion, status, and linguistic features—using an innovative diachronic word-embedding method. The study finds a curvilinear relationship between novelty and resonance, as well as a positive relationship between status and cultural power. Contrary to theoretical expectations, moderate emotions, whether positive or negative, are found to be more effective in evoking resonance than more intense emotions, possibly due to the mediating effect of the forum’s “group style.” Thus, it appears that although extreme sentiments toward the United States may exist, they are not likely to be resonant, at least among more educated Chinese netizens. The study also finds significant effects of linguistic features, such as lexical diversity and the use of English in Chinese discussions. This suggests a Bourdieusian “cultural capital signaling and selection” path to cultural power, which has not been considered in most studies of resonance.

Castilla, Emilio J.; Poskanzer, Ethan J.

doi: 10.1177/00031224221122889pmid: N/A

When screening candidates, organizations often give preference to certain applicants on the basis of their familial ties. This “legacy preference,” particularly widespread in college admissions, has been criticized for contributing to inequality and class reproduction. Despite this, studies continue to report that legacies are persistently admitted at higher rates than non-legacies. In this article, we develop a theoretical framework of three distinct sense-making strategies at play when decision-makers screen applicants into their organizations—the meritocratic, material, and diversity logics. We then apply this framework to investigate how legacy preferences either support or undermine each organizational logic using comprehensive data on the population of applicants seeking admission into one elite U.S. college. We find strong support for the material logic at the cost of the other two organizational logics: legacies make better alumni after graduation and have wealthier parents who are materially-positioned to be more generous donors than non-legacy parents. Contrary to the meritocratic logic, we find that legacies are neither more qualified applicants nor better students academically. From a diversity standpoint, legacies are less racially diverse than non-legacies. We conclude with a discussion of our study’s implications for understanding the role of family relationships and nepotism in today’s organizational selection processes.

Roth, Wendy D.; Solís, Patricio; Sue, Christina A.

doi: 10.1177/00031224221119803pmid: N/A

A core sociological claim is that race is a social construction; an important illustration of this is how racial classifications are influenced by people’s socioeconomic status. In both Latin America and the United States, someone with higher SES is more likely to be classified as White than others of similar appearance, a pattern epitomized by the expression “money whitens.” However, recent studies of the effect of SES on racial classifications show inconsistent results, sometimes depending on the measures used. We develop a broad theorization of societies as having multiple racialized hierarchies with different socioeconomic escalators potentially bringing people to higher-status locations in each one. Yet racialized hierarchies differ across societies, and some non-White classifications may reflect a process of upward movement while others may not. We assess this process in Mexico using the 2019 Project on Ethnic-Racial Discrimination in Mexico, a nationally-representative survey including highly accurate digital skin-color ratings, perceived skin-color assessments, and ethnoracial classifications by respondents and interviewers. We find that having higher education increases respondents’ self-classification as Mestizo. Yet those with greater wealth are “whitened” by interviewers. Simultaneously, respondents and interviewers “lighten” respondents with greater wealth. We argue that SES can differentially affect mobility in different racialized hierarchies, showing how race is constructed partly by other social constructs like class.

DiMario, Anthony

doi: 10.1177/00031224221116145pmid: N/A

Studies of poverty governance typically emphasize the punitive subjugation or paternalistic disciplining of the poor. Much work combines elements of these approaches, and recent studies depict relations between institutions as premised on collaboration or burden shuffling. Despite the precarity of poor people’s existence, the role of life itself in governance is conspicuously absent in this literature. Using an ethnographic case study of a syringe exchange program serving unhoused people who inject drugs in Los Angeles, this article theorizes palliative governance to describe forms of regulation that neither punish nor parent, but simply try to keep very poor subjects alive through a series of stopgap measures. Rather than collaborate or burden shuffle, exchange workers supplement, contest, and co-opt other governing institutions. An analysis of palliative governance broadens our understanding of how institutions interact with subjects and each other, while revealing the paradoxical ways states both expose and protect bare life.

Santos, Maria-Fátima

doi: 10.1177/00031224221121294pmid: N/A

Incarceration has become naturalized as a primary mode of punishment within the penal systems of modern states across the globe. This study examines how states develop the capacity to execute incarceration as a routine state function. I argue that rationalization and bureaucratization are key for transforming carceral enclosures into a naturalized feature of states’ routine exercise of coercion. I develop this argument through analysis of a dynamic case of carceral modernization in the Brazilian state of Espírito Santo (2003 to 2014). I analyze the significance of coordinated violence and performative strategies for rulers to extend administrative capacity to incarceration and transform confinement into a legitimate and legitimizing instrument of state power. Findings demonstrate how coercive practices and other modes of violence that state authorities come to narrate as illegitimate are not antithetical to modernization. Rather, they become constitutive of the very process of consolidating and legitimizing rational-legal modes of administration that routinely exercise violence while more effectively being misrecognized as such. By extending inquiry to how states develop the administrative capacity to exercise penal power, this analysis makes several contributions to the political sociology of punishment and theories of state-building.