The Sociological Quarterly

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02180.xpmid: N/A

Kerbo, Harold R.; Fave, L. Richard Della

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02181.xpmid: N/A

From the earliest writings in social science there have been lively debates over the extent to which societies are dominated by elites. Recently, empirical data have been considered for elite backgrounds, elite interlock, elite unity, and elite influence on public policy, but interpretation of the data continue to be problematic. The findings are often confusing and conflicting mainly because of differing methodologies, definitions and indicators of elite status. Focusing on the four areas of quantitative research listed, we compare the findings in an attempt to explain some of the conflicts. When possible, we have prepared summaries of the consistent findings, which tend to show, with respect to these issues, greater support for elite theories as opposed to pluralist theory. Finally we discuss some of the major questions in the debate that current research is unable to answer, and outline future research needs.

Steiber, Steven R.

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02182.xpmid: N/A

Within the growing number of analysts who employ the world system perspective on national development, theoretical disagreements have evolved which may only be settled by examination of available data. Using an adaptation of the network metaphor, this paper blockmodels the world trade system in order (1) to demonstrate a single mode of international exchange in the world system instead of the competing capitalist and communist modes proposed by some, and (2) to illustrate the unique position of the middle level of nations in a three tier world system—a position sometimes denied. Implications for the competing world system theories and world development itself are presented.

Ethridge, F. Maurice; Feagin, Joe R.

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02183.xpmid: N/A

Many behavioral science studies of religious fundamentalism are seriously hampered by conceptual confusion. The major source of much of this confusion is the lack of a coherent sociological definition and theoretical context for the term fundamentalism. We propose a Parsonian definition of Fundamentalism, which is interpreted in the context of a theory of evolutionary social change. The methodological implications of this approach are identified and then applied in a survey research study of the lay leaders of two historically related denominations, the Disciples of Christ and the Church of Christ. Our factor analysis of 25 questionnaire items suggests there are three types of Fundamentalism. Socio-economic variables explain some of the variation in the Fundamentalism scores, but denominational affiliation explains more. Our findings suggest that future research should use denomination-specific indices of Fundamentalism.

Alston, Jon P.; McIntosh, Wm. Alex

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02184.xpmid: N/A

Variations in patterns of church attendance are examined for a 1974 national sample of American Protestants and Catholics. Contrary to past results, socioeconomic status and alienation contribute little, but sociodemographic variables contribute more to the explained variance in church attendance. Region and sex affect church attendance more than education, occupation, or income. Religiosity and confidence in the clergy are the most important determinants of church attendance and together account for half of the total variance explained in church attendance.

Hougland, James G.; Shepard, Jon M.; Wood, James R.

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02185.xpmid: N/A

The effects of discrepancies between preferred and perceived control among church members are investigated in terms of amount and distribution of control. For each dimension of control, three categories of respondents are identified: those who preferred a greater amount or wider distribution of control than they perceived to exist within their churches (deficit); those whose preferred and perceived control scores were identical (balance); and those who preferred a lesser amount or more concentrated distribution of control in their churches than they perceived to exist (surplus). For both amount and distribution of control, a perceived deficit is more common than a surplus. Respondents experiencing discrepancies in either direction are more dissatisfied and alienated than those with a balance in desired and perceived organizational control. A deficit is associated with more dissatisfaction (but not necessarily more alienation) than a surplus. Subsample comparisons show these findings hold for both officers and non-officers. Regression analyses show that discrepancies regarding organizational control are important even after other aspects of control have been introduced.

Macke, Anne Statham

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02186.xpmid: N/A

This study identifies several distinct types of political alienation—including efficacy and trust—by observing their different relationships to the causes and consequences of alienation. In general, aggregate-level alienation is caused by unpopular social events or trends. The increasing tendency for citizens to expect governmental solutions to these problems has undoubtedly intensified recent levels of alienation, while the cyclical occurrence of these problems accounts for the short-run cycles in the alienation trend. Consequences of high levels of alienation are also considered, particularly conventional citizen responses which may alter governmental policies (and possibly solve the social problems). The elective process provides some avenue for citizen pressure, but the impact is not direct. Citizens do not vote incumbents out of office during periods of high alienation, but their tendency to become Independents and to stay away from the polls when alienation is high may indirectly pressure parties to change their platforms to attract the disenchanted. Other possible means of indirect influence are also discussed.

Driedger, Leo

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02187.xpmid: N/A

The tendency to doom French Canadians outside Quebec to assimilation seems to be based on the premise that state boundaries with political and economic control over an ecological boundary are required in order for a population to be nationalized into a cohesive group. Although the French had early opportunities to dominate ecological, demographic, political and economic macro-structures in St. Boniface, they quickly lost out to the British. The French community has remained strong for 160 years by means of enclavic social factors such as residential segregation, institutional completeness, cultural identity, and social distance. French self-identification with social psychological factors such as a religious ideology, amidst rich historical symbols, is strongly supported by the status elite and a majority of French residents in St. Boniface. This enclave is changing to some extent but a distinct core of French identification remains. A resurgence of Franco-Manitoban identity is hardly taking place, but there is much evidence of reinterpretation and revitalization.

Cheal, David J.

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02188.xpmid: N/A

The critical phenomena for this paper are the variations in the degree of integration of ideas within mass publics. The theory of ideological hegemony provides a valuable sociological framework from which to study them. Current interpretations indicate that the political cultures of modern democracies consist of two major ideologies: a ruling ideology which is a coherent system of thought, and a subordinate ideology which exhibits contradictory consciousness. Evidence on the integration of ideas was obtained from a re-analysis of a survey of the British electorate.

Haines, Herbert H.

doi: 10.1111/j.1533-8525.1979.tb02189.xpmid: N/A

One of the most important contributions of recent social problems theory is the insight that social problems are inherently political phenomena. Existing scholarship on this characteristic has not dealt systematically with (1) the degree of overt politicality of social issues, or (2) the dynamic element of this politicality. This paper first reviews recent literature in the “medicalization of deviant behavior,” and sugests that this literature illustrates how the political element of social problem phenomena can be suppressed and replaced with a seemingly apolitical and technical perspective. Then it is proposed that interpretive social problems theory might deal more adequately with this pattern by incorporating a continuum ranging from “open” to “closed” social problems and analyzing the dynamics of social problem “enclosure,” and that certain sorts of claims—cognitive as opposed to normative—are especially conducive to the depoliticization and enclosure of social problems.